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			 That was the clear message from most lawmakers interviewed on 
			Friday as well as from close observers of Congress, after the deal 
			passed through the U.S. House of Representatives on Thursday on its 
			way to the Senate. 
 			The budget bill, negotiated by Republican Representative Paul Ryan 
			and Democratic Senator Patty Murray, is vague and non-specific, 
			avoiding tough, divisive issues. But Congress' agenda for the next 
			year is full of specifics, including raising the debt ceiling, 
			funding individual government programs, immigration reform and 
			passing a farm bill.
 			"I think next year is tougher," said Nebraska Republican Senator 
			Mike Johanns. "It's an election year. Tens of millions of dollars 
			will be spent trashing people, and it's hard to forget that."
 			The deal was a "one-off," said Norm Ornstein, a scholar of Congress 
			at the conservative American Enterprise Institute.
 			It may avoid government shutdowns, assuming it passes the Senate 
			next week as expected, he said. But "I don't see any signs that the 
			fundamentals have changed." 			
			
			 
 			That was also the message from the floor of the U.S. Senate, where 
			Republicans, some red-faced with rage, kept berating Democrats on 
			Friday for stripping away their right to block President Barack 
			Obama's judicial nominations using the filibuster, a procedural 
			hurdle.
 			"The whole atmosphere here is totally poisoned, OK," said Senator 
			John McCain when asked as he left the floor if the budget deal 
			changed anything.
 			"There's no cooperation, there's no comity. And it is what it is," 
			notwithstanding the fact that Democrats and Republicans came 
			together to approve the budget bill.
 			"It can't get much worse," he said.
 			ELECTION YEAR "TRASHING"
 			That does not bode well for the issues facing Congress as it enters 
			its second half, with all seats in the Republican-led House and a 
			third of those in the Democratic-led Senate up for election next 
			November.
 			The political advantage of the budget agreement was its vagueness. 
			It set overall spending levels for two years, a significant break 
			from the recent pattern of short-term funding bills that required 
			extension every few months, always under the threat of a government 
			shutdown like the 16-day closure in October.
 			But it did not tackle the most volatile issues, such as Democratic 
			demands for tax increases and Republican efforts to control spending 
			on "entitlements," such as the healthcare program for seniors, 
			Medicare, or Social Security retirement.
 			While it set as a goal $1.012 trillion in spending, it did not 
			specify how the sum would be divided up among individual programs, 
			each of which has a constituency.
 			Indeed, once the budget bill is approved by the Senate, as expected 
			next week, a more challenging and potentially acrimonious 
			appropriations process will begin that could set off a scramble 
			among advocates for particular interests.
 			
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			"We have a heavy lift ahead of us," said House Appropriations 
			Committee Chairman Hal Rogers, "drafting, negotiating, and passing 
			these bills in just over one month."
 			In an interview on PBS, Murray acknowledged that she and Ryan 
			avoided the divisive questions. "You set aside the hot issues," she 
			noted in describing the formula for success in the negotiations.
 			In the immigration fight, for example, setting aside the "hot 
			issues" might not be possible, as Democrats, including Obama, insist 
			that any legislation contain a "pathway to citizenship" for the 11 
			million undocumented people living in the United States.
 			That presents a problem for many conservative Republicans, who see 
			those people as having broken the law by either entering the United 
			States illegally or overstaying their visas.
 			DEBT CEILING UNRESOLVED
 			Nor did the budget deal address the bill expected in the spring to 
			increase the nation's borrowing limit. Conservatives, particularly 
			those associated with the Tea Party movement, have regularly opposed 
			the debt ceiling measure, twice bringing the government to the brink 
			of a potential default.
 			Since Republican House Speaker John Boehner enraged conservatives 
			this week by pushing through the budget deal they equated with 
			surrender, Ornstein believes he may feel a need to mollify them by 
			again demanding big spending cuts in exchange for raising the debt 
			ceiling.
 			"If you do something" that angers "the radical wing, does that give 
			you more ability and incentive to do it again or does it require you 
			to do something to make it clear that you really love them?" said 
			Ornstein.
 			The debt ceiling "will come up," said Johanns. "We are going to 
			struggle with that issue."
 			"The fact that the debt ceiling fight will come right before the 
			Republican primaries means that the fiscal battles haven't gone 
			away, but instead will likely heat up," said Ron Bonjean, a former 
			Republican leadership aide in the House. 			
			
			 
 			"Republican members of Congress will want to show how conservative 
			they are to voters back home," he said. "This deal looks like a 
			peaceful retreat made by both parties in order to rest up for the 
			major battle over the debt ceiling."
 			(Additional reporting by Richard Cowan and Thomas Ferraro; 
editing 
			by Fred Barbash and Peter Cooney) 
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