| 
			 Who will get the pumpkin from Ukraine at the end of this month — 
			Russia or the European Union? 
 			More than 20 years after gaining independence from the Soviet Union 
			and painfully searching for its place on the geopolitical map, 
			Ukraine has a critical chance to firmly align itself this month with 
			the EU's democratic standards and free-market zone.
 			The alternative is to slide back into Russia's shadow, both 
			politically and economically, a result that Russian President 
			Vladimir Putin's government is pushing hard to achieve.
 			Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych has declared that Ukraine's 
			future lies with the 28-member EU and has pushed through a flurry of 
			pro-EU laws and reforms. But he has resisted fulfilling the most 
			important condition set by the EU in order to sign a political 
			association and free-trade agreement at a summit in Vilnius, 
			Lithuania, on Nov. 28-29: the release from jail of his top political 
			rival, former premier Yulia Tymoshenko, who is serving a seven-year 
			sentence on charges the West considers politically motivated. 			
			
			 
 			"We have a chance to be finally together," said former Polish 
			President Aleksander Kwasniewski, an EU envoy who has traveled to 
			Ukraine 27 times over the past 1½ years to urge Yanukovych to 
			release Tymoshenko and sign the EU deal. "Never (was) Ukraine so 
			close to being inside the European community."
 			On Monday, EU ministers were stressing that they do need to see 
			movement from Yanukovych, especially on judicial and electoral 
			reform.
 			"It has got to be reform that is permanent and irreversible and not 
			just reform for Christmas," said Britain's minister for Europe, 
			David Lidington.
 			Most analysts say the EU deal would benefit Ukraine by giving it 
			access to European markets, bringing its products into line with EU 
			standards, accelerating much-needed reforms and increasing the 
			likelihood of Ukraine getting a bailout from the International 
			Monetary Fund. But, equally important, it would be a precursor to 
			eventual EU membership and thus cement Ukraine's place in the West, 
			with its commitment to democracy and human rights.
 			"I think it could be a total game changer — good for the people and 
			good for Ukrainian business. I think if it ends up making the choice 
			to go with Russia, then Ukrainians can forget about European values 
			and perspectives," said Tim Ash, chief emerging-markets economist at 
			Standard Bank in London. The alternative would be "relegating 
			Ukraine's status finally and decisively to that of a second-division 
			Russian proxy." 			
			
			 
 			But the Kremlin has other plans for Ukraine, which shares a similar 
			language and common Orthodox Christian faith with Russia. Having 
			ruled over large parts of Ukraine for centuries, Moscow would hate 
			losing this large piece of its former empire to the West. Putin's 
			government has worked aggressively to derail the EU deal while 
			nudging Ukraine to join a Moscow-led customs union instead.
 			As Kiev intensified negations with Brussels, Moscow offered Kiev 
			sweet deals such as price discounts on natural gas and loans. But it 
			has also brandished a big stick, banning Ukrainian imports on 
			dubious health grounds and warning of a possible trade blockade.
 			"Whatever happens, wherever Ukraine is headed, we will still meet 
			each other somewhere, some place," Putin told The Associated Press 
			in an interview in September. "Why? Because we are a common people."
 			With Putin facing a reinvigorated opposition at home, keeping 
			Ukraine on a leash is also an attempt to legitimize his own power 
			among Russians nostalgic for their country's former might, according 
			to Andreas Umland, assistant professor of European studies at the 
			Kyiv Mohyla Academy. "It distracts from domestic politics, it 
			creates legitimacy by building an international alliance, a new 
			collection of lost land."
 			
            [to top of second column] | 
            
			 
			Moscow would also feel threatened by a fully democratic Ukraine at 
			its doorstep, as that would pose a threat to the Kremlin's model of 
			"sovereign democracy," with manipulated elections and limited 
			tolerance for dissent.
 			While a majority of Ukrainians favor an alliance with the EU, 
			pro-Moscow lobbyists are targeting the part of the population that 
			tilts toward the historical ties with Moscow. Ukrainian Choice, a 
			pro-Moscow organization led by a former government official with 
			close ties to Putin, has dotted the country with billboards warning 
			of the perceived horrors that would follow the EU deal: price 
			increases, job losses and, playing on the conservative Orthodox 
			Christian attitudes, gay marriages.
 			With Yanukovych unwilling to pardon Tymoshenko, the charismatic 
			leader of the 2004 Orange Revolution who nearly defeated him in the 
			2010 presidential election, Kwasniewski has proposed a compromise. 
			He has urged the Ukrainian parliament to pass a bill next week that 
			would allow Tymoshenko to travel to Germany to get treated for a 
			back problem.
 			But Yanukovych is up for re-election in 2015 and he is maneuvering 
			hard between Moscow and Brussels, trying to gauge which alliance 
			would give him the best chance to stay in power.
 			His choice? Political and financial support from Moscow, which has 
			never been fixated on clean elections, or the gratitude of 
			Ukrainians for leading their nation toward the EU, but with the 
			obligation to hold an honest election that comes with it. 			
			
			 
 			Yanukovych took a mysterious trip to Moscow this month to meet with 
			Putin, a meeting only belatedly confirmed by the Kremlin. Ukraine's 
			opposition has accused Yanukovych of selling out to Moscow in 
			behind-the-scenes talks.
 			Since the trip, Kiev appears to be stalling on Tymoshenko's release: 
			Parliament delayed a vote on that last week and Yanukovych's prime 
			minister described relations with Russia as the nation's top 
			priority.
 			The EU, however, is not giving up.
 			In an emotional speech at a conference in Yalta, Kwasniewski 
			recalled the remarks by a senior Russian official that Russia, which 
			shares so much history and culture with Ukraine, was offering Kiev 
			its love, while Kwasniewski said the EU's offer to Kiev was the rule 
			of law.
 			He noted the painful trade sanctions that Moscow imposed on its 
			neighbor in recent months.
 			"What kind of love is it?" Kwasniewski asked. "That is full 
			perversion. That is not love." [Associated 
					Press; MARIA DANILOVA] Copyright 2013 The Associated 
			Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, 
			broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.
 
			
			 |